OCTOBER DAYS

PART- 2
NADEZHDA KRUPSKAYA(1869-1939)-an active participant in the revolutionary movement in Russia and a member of the Communist Party from 1898. In 1894 met Lenin, with whom she linked her destiny for life. N. Krupskaya was one of the leading figures of the October Re-volution, a member of the Vyborg District Committee of the RSDLP during the armed uprising in Petrograd. After the establishment of Soviet power, was a prominent state and public figure, one of the founders of the Soviet system of public education and an honorary member of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Krupskaya was the author of many works on Lenin and the Party, and also on problems of public education and of the com-munist upbringing
one-man management must, he said, be combined with ability to work with the masses. Ilyich strove to make use of everybody's experience in building up a state of a new type. Soviet power, at the head of which Ilyich then stood, was faced with the problem of creating a type of state machinery such as the world had never before seen, one which relied on the masses and which would remake the entire social fabric in a new, socialist way, and reshape all human relations.First of all, however, it was necessary to defend Soviet power against the enemy's attempts to overthrow it by force, and to undermine it from within. We had to strengthen our ranks.November 9 to 15 were crucial days during which the very existence of Soviet power was at stake.Ilyich, who had made a careful study of the experience of the Paris Commune, the first proletarian state in the world, noted that the leniency with which the working masses and workers' government treated their known enemies had disastrous conse-quences for the Paris Commune. That is why when speaking of the struggle against the enemy Ilyich, fearing that the masses and he himself would show unnecessary leniency, always "put it on thick", so to speak.In the early days of the revolution there were many instances of this unnecessary leniency: Kerensky was allowed to get away, so, too, were a number of ministers; the cadets who had defended the Winter Palace were released simply on their word of honour;General Krasnov who had commanded the troops of Kerensky was kept only under house arrest. I happened to overhear the conversation between Comrade Krylenko and General Krasnov who had been brought to Petrograd under arrest. The two of them entered the room, in the Smolny, where I was sitting on a heap of greatcoats waiting for somebody, sat down at the small table standing in the middle of the room and quietly began to talk. I remember how surprised I was at the peaceful nature of their conversation. On November 17 (4), speaking at the session of the Central Executive Committee, Ilyich said: "Krasnov was given soft treatment. He was only placed under house arrest. We are against civil war. But if it nevertheless goes on what are we to do?"Kerensky who was released in Pskov organised the attack on Petrograd; the cadets who were released on their word of honour started a revolt on November 11, and Krasnov who escaped from house arrest fled to the Don where, with the assistance of the German Government, he formed a whiteguard army nearly a hundred thousand strong.Weary of the imperialist slaughter the people wanted a blood-less revolution, but their enemies forced them to take up arms. Ilyich who was thinking mainly about the socialist reorganisation of the entire social system had to give first thought to the defence of the revolution.On November 9 Kerensky captured Gatchina. Comrade Podvoisky in his article "Lenin-Organiser of the Victorious Octo-ber Uprising" (Krasnaya Gazeta, November 6, 1927), gives a vivid description of the colossal work carried out by Lenin during the defence of Petrograd. He describes how Lenin arrived at military district headquarters and demanded a report on the situation. Comrade Antonov-Ovseyenko7 there and then explained the general plan of operations, showing on a map the position of our forces and the probable position and number of enemy troops. "Comrade Lenin closely examined the map. With the acuteness of the profound strategist and observant general he demanded to know why some point was not being guarded, why some particular step was being suggested and not another, why Kronstadt, the Vyborg District, or Helsingfors were not asked for reinforcements, etc. After an exchange of opinion we saw that we had, indeed, made a number of blunders, had not displayed the necessary activity at the critical moment in organising forces and resources for the defence of Petrograd." In the evening of the 9th Ilyich got in direct touch with Helsingfors over the wire asking them to send two destroyers and the battleship Respublika to defend the approaches to Petrograd.Ilyich also went to the Putilov Works together with Comrade Antonov-Ovseyenko to see whether the needed armoured train was being built fast enough. While there he talked things over with the workers. It was decided to transfer headquarters to the Smolny. Thenceforth Lenin closely began to follow its work, began to help mobilise the masses. Comrade Podvoisky writes that he was able particularly to appreciate Lenin's work at the conference of representatives of workers' organisations, district Soviets, factory committees, trade unions and military units, convened by Lenin."Here I saw Lenin's strongest point. He had a special ability to concentrate our forces and resources to the extreme limit in time of need. We had acted without any plan. As a result our actions were not coordinated and this led to irresolution and lack of initiative among the masses. They did not feel the iron will and the iron plan where, as in a machine, everything was perfectly fitted and worked smoothly in its proper place. Lenin hammered one single idea into everybody's head-everything must be con-centrated on defence. Out of this basic idea he evolved a plan which could be understood by all, a plan in which there was a place for everyone, for his factory and for his fighting unit."Everyone at the conference had a clear conception of his own plan of future work and saw what contribution he could make towards the defence of the Republic. Because of this each one became fully aware that the fate of the dictatorship of the prole-tariat depended on him from that moment."Lenin strove constantly to get the people to understand that the leaders could not do everything for them, that they them-selves, with their own hands, would have to build a new life and defend their own state; in this he proved himself to be a real people's leader, able to show the people the way forward and induce them to take the first step forward fully conscious of their aim, instead of following blindly behind the leaders."Comrade Podvoisky is absolutely right. Ilyich was always able to rouse the masses to activity, to point out to them their concrete aims.Rising in defence of their city, the workers of Petrograd, both young and old, left for the front to head off Kerensky's army. The Cossacks and other units called up from the provinces least of all wanted to fight. The workers of Petrograd carried on vigorous agitation among them and convinced them to lay down arms. Kerensky's army disintegrated, the Cossacks and soldiers simply deserted, taking their guns and rifles with them. Still, many of the Petrograd citizens lost their lives in the defence of the city. Among them was Vera Slutskaya, one of the leading Party functionaries in the Vasilyevsky Ostrov District. On her way to the front on a lorry she was hit by a shell. Also many of our people in the Vyborg District lost their lives. We buried them there, the whole district turning out for the funeral.On November 11 (October 29), when Kerensky was still on the offensive, the cadets who had been released from the Winter Palace after pledging their word of honour staged a revolt. I was living with Vladimir Ilyich's family at the time on the Petrograd Side. The fighting started early in the morning near the Pavlovsky Officers' Training School which was not far from our house. On learning of the revolt the Red Guard units and workers of the Vyborg District hastened to the scene of action. Guns opened fire. Our whole house shook, frightening us to death. As I stepped out of the house our neighbour's maid came running towards me crying: "What are they doing?! I just saw a cadet bayoneted like an insect." On the way I encountered a fresh detachment of Vyborg Red Guards who were bringing up another gun. The revolt was speedily crushed.That day Ilyich addressed a meeting of regimental representa-tives of the Petrograd garrison. "Kerensky's bid is just as pathetic a gamble as Komilov's.But the situation is a difficult one. Vigorous efforts must be made to get some order into the food situation, and put, an end to the misery at the fronts. We cannot wait, nor can we tolerate Kerensky's mutiny a single day. If the Kornilovites launch another offensive, they will get what the mutinous officer cadets got today. The cadets have only them-selves to blame. We took power almost without bloodshed. If there were any losses they were on our side... The government set up by the will of the workers', soldiers' and peasants' deputies will not tolerate any nonsense from the Komilovites."On November 14 the Kerensky revolt was crushed. Gatchina was recaptured. Kerensky fled the country. Petrograd emerged victorious. But the Civil War raged.